As has been noted regarding the Roman Agora of Caesar and Augustus, this classicism even reached the extent of reviving the Classical clamp types; this can also be seen in the preserved part of one of the two Augustan propyla of the theatre. Consequently we not only gain an insight into an interesting historical phase of the theatre, but also details of its Lycurgan remodelling that were hitherto unknown.
Eponymous Heroes in the Agora is instructive. Period IV. Clearly, though, the repairs date to Double T-clamps are documented in quite a the Augustan period at the very latest. Both the number of Augustan monuments other than monument of the Eponymous Heroes and the Classical monuments that were moved to new monument of the Three Tragedians in the The- locations in this period such as the Temple of atre of Dionysus were important symbolically Ares MacAllister , 9 fig. The loss the study of the technology of the Classical of the steps of the bases of the monuments of period.
For monuments of the Augustan the Three Tragedians and of Menander in the period, see the krepidoma of the Temple of first, difficult, years of the newly-established Roma and Augustus Baldassarri , 46 and state deprives us of evidence related to the al- more generally This loss, , n.
Anti — Polacco , f. Krumeich ; Vorster , a, 31f. This breccia foundation, one stone wide and It was laid so as to fit the underlying bedrock: in its eastern part it comprises only one course of stones, while to the west, where the bedrock slopes steeply to the south- southwest, it gradually reaches four courses Its proximity to the western part of the stone stage-building has, however, in my view, led to problematic reconstructions both of the plan of the Classical theatron as well as that of the Classical skene In a brief study, H.
Lauter-Bufe and H. They noted that the rubble fill is typical of that used for the substratum of roads, and on the basis of this observation and that of the steep slope of the bedrock at this point they in- At its western end it is at a distance of 3. Fiechter , 76— Nonetheless, the construction was a single pro- For the new evidence that resulted from the ex- ject.
The possibility of any difference of date cavation in the inner SW corner of the Late- can only be addressed by excavation. Lau- Classical theatron documenting the existence, ter-Bufe — Lauter , figs. Plan of the southwestern part of the theatre with the western parodos and the foundation aA. Western parodos with the retaining walls of the SW area of the auditorium, the foundation aA and the foundation b1 after the archaeological investigation of , from SW.
Korres as that of the marble propylon. Korres arrived at this conclusion on the This investigation was undertaken in the con- vision of the architect A. Samara and the text of the archaeological and architectural author: Samara — Papastamati-von Moock documentation programme of the remains of , 1f. The partial restoration of the retaining for the retaining wall of the western parodos. Western parodos with the foundation aA, from NE The position of the Lycurgan wooden gateway of this parodos has not been identified by excavation Thus the Augustan propylon of the west- ern parodos was built in the same position as the wooden gateway, unlike the situation in the eastern parodos All these observations, however, do not explain its form, its position along the middle of the parodos, its proximity to the Late-Classical retaining wall of the parodos, or its bonding with the latter.
As mentioned above, the lateral breccia inner retaining walls of the theatron must, on the basis of recent research, be linked to the unfinished Periclean programme for a total re- modelling of the theatre and sanctuary of Dionysus The level access way to the n.
For this topic in greater can be concluded from the level of the foun- detail: Papastamati-von Moock, forthcoming dation of conglomerate stones of the retaining b. A probe for most buttress of the inner western retaining the northern wall has not been undertaken to wall does not continue eastwards as drawn by date. Lauter , fig. This also occurred be- retaining wall of the western parodos.
For the cause of the different lengths of the two par- retaining wall of the eastern parodos: Makri et odoi. The irregularities of the Late-Classical al. These observations were pres- This is noted by Goette a, 31, though he ented for the first time by the author in a lec- thought, as did earlier researchers, that this ture at the NTUA in in greater detail foundation is a remnant of an older retaining Papastamati-von Moock, forthcoming b.
Cross-sections of the retaining wall of the eastern parodos OA and of the western parodos WA with the foundation aA, at the area where they meet the south end of the inner lateral walls of the auditorium. The solution that was adopted included the Fiechter , 76; Polacco , For the also been determined as a result of a small in- bedrock alterations which are associated with vestigation, undertaken as part of the restora- the Classical theatre, Moretti , ; Pap- tion programmes, of the external corners of the astamati-von Moock, forthcoming b.
By contrast different circumstances led to different technical solutions in the western parodos. Here the Late-Classical retaining wall, which follows a line corresponding to that of the eastern parodos, not only had to rest on steeply sloping ground It also had to be constructed in terms of the position of the southern terminal point of the pre-existing inner western retaining wall, which was of far smaller dimensions than that of the lateral eastern retaining wall and lay further to the south fig.
Without commenting here on the probable reasons for these differences between the lateral inner retaining walls, we consider that the need to position the southern end of the inner western retaining wall in line with the Late-Classical retaining wall of the parodos, and at the same angle to the no- tional central axis of the theatre and that of the eastern parodos, necessarily led to the sol- ution of using a double-stone construction for its full length This technical solution, however, rendered the western half of the retaining wall particularly unsafe so far as its bearing capacity was concerned, given the steeply sloping ground and the volume of the theatron fill and the way that its height rose constantly as it approached the corner.
It was the western part of the retaining wall that received the major lateral thrust both from the theatron fill as well as from its height and therefore the weight of the wall itself.
Indeed, the rubble-stone filling of the interior of the footing not only formed the substratum of the parodos in this sector but its probable main function was that of a layer that facilitated the drainage of water that col- lected here. Consequently, it never functioned as the foundation of an early parodos retaining wall.
On the basis of the new evidence re- Makri et al. Plan of the stage-building and the Doric stoa, breccia foundation. In the context of this study, I should like to touch quickly on just two of the many issues which remain unresolved in relation to the Late-Classical stone stage-building fig. Later scholars however have widely different opinions on the existence of a colonnade across the wall of the central section This element is both paradoxical Infra n.
This proposal cre- f. For the — proposal Gogos , 95— fig. Korres: , — Drawing 55 on the Lycurgan Heilmeyer — Maischberger , f. Korres ; Korres , 80f. In sup- ? Beach- nia ; Townsend , — fig. Partially preserved Doric architrave-frieze block from the Late Classical stage-building inv. NK Townsend in a study of the stage-building Specifically, the architrave-frieze block inv.
NK preserves on its recut and reworked right side traces relating to its original use in the Late-Classical stage-building figs. According to him, there must have existed columns at this point given that both the dowel-hole and the preserved resting surface indicate that the stone may belong over an abacus of a column capital. On the other hand, as inv. In both cases the intercolumnar Cf. Bulle , 38f. IX pl.
The original resting surface and dowel-hole may indicate that it belonged either over the abacus of a column capital or over an anta capital. One might have expected that those of the central section would have been re-used — as was the case for the paraskenia — had they existed See already Bulle South Slope; cf. Pickard-Cambridge , , 38f. Most scholars today ac- pls. II pl. Athenian proskenion was probably copied in This is a further reason that excludes possibly financed by Ariobarzanes]; Versakis the possibility of columns in the central section , f.
Valavanis , f. NK would have rested on the capital of the eastern pilaster. The key to answering these questions in my opinion lies in the interpretation of the much-discussed foundation known as T fig. The back wall of the stage-building is dated to the Periclean phase, as is the foundation T which is tied to it structurally. This leads us to search for answers regarding the core features in its Periclean form, features that served the greatest moments of Classical drama. For a discussion on the Polacco , — figs.
Although the proposed reconstruc- the important study Mastronarde , tion is very simplified and apparently does not — For the suggested location of the the- take into account the technical achievements in atrical mechane behind the stage-building: fifth-century Athens, this is the only recon- infra, after n. See as Polacco , 65—73 figs. Dinsmoor , n. Seidensticker ; f. For the situation ery ; Dinsmoor —, late fifth cen- beyond Athens, see Moretti in this volume.
Leaving to one side O. No staircase would have required such a massive construction, while support for a second storey at this point — if such existed from the later fifth century — lacks a logical explanation. The con- tinuous cutting on the outer southern edge of the conglomerate stones, which runs for a length of 4. This has been interpreted by some scholars as an off-centre door between the stage-building and the Stoa, with steps leading down into the Stoa Others accept the suggestion that the width of the doorway was equal to that of foundation T, i.
The existence of an open- ing communicating between the two structures must be considered certain. An interior door opening of this great size, however, raises more questions than it answers. It is also worth mentioning that at the two back corners of the massive foundation there are two large rectangular holes from the second course and upwards; the eastern one has the ap- pearance of being much larger because of the extensive damage to its perimeter Beck , pl. Melchinger , the photograph: Fiechter , 87 fig. XXI; Gogos , 21f. This feature, along the off-centre threshold cutting and so the cut- with a series of small stone repairs to the rear ting cannot be associated with the earlier wall of the stage-building, was considered by phases of the stage-building.
These door opening 6. I consider ary of Dionysus, in the building complex of the that the closing of the western end of the open- Early Christian basilica, while it can also be de- ing along with the off-centre cutting for the re- duced that the closing of the western end of the ception of a wooden threshold are to be associ- opening visible today is all that remains after ated with the final alteration the stage-building the dismantling of the ruins of the Early Chris- underwent during the Early Christian period tian alteration.
This can be Fiechter ; Fiechter supra n. Squared block with a rectangular hole through it inv. Opinions regarding the famous theatrical mechane which was associated with the stage-building vary greatly. For the Classical stage-build- suggestions as to its form and location: a behind ing: Papastamati-von Moock forthcoming b. Mastronarde , ; Lendle , — — dating the rear wall of the stage-build- fig. Goette a, V; Froning , 41 fig. For the view, based on the written , 49f. As well supra n. For at its rear end remains problematic given the the opposing view: Barrett , f.
The research of H. Newiger and E. Two noteworthy blocks were presented by Bulle in The first, a large cubic stone with a rectangular hole all the way through it fig. The sec- ond block, with traces of a pivot fig. The representations of scenes , —; Taplin , —; Mas- of this tragedy on South Italian red-figure vases tronarde ; Csapo — Slater , Peace — Trygaios flies to heaven cently Hart , The fact that no.
Stone no. In this by Bieber Bieber , 75 fig. Block with traces of rotating windlass inv. While re-examining the various stones found in the vicinity of the Theatre and Sanctuary of Dionysus, I was able to identify inter alia two stray stones with the same features as those described by Bulle figs. Both pairs of blocks are carved from a particularly hard stone — Acropolis or Kara limestone — and were found in the immediate vicinity of the stage-building. Each of the two cubic blocks figs.
The other two blocks, cylindrical in form, preserve on their upper faces rectangular cuttings of similar dimensions figs. The interior surfaces of these cuttings bear traces of a pivot which indi- cate that revolving elements of a significant width had once occupied them Although Bulle , 77 stone A, pl. Similarly Goette a, Here n. The second stone inv. NK use.
This sort of hard stone had been used in is circular in form diam. It is roughly worked on all sides, and South Slope, on the Acropolis, and elsewhere bears on its top face a square depression, in Athens: Judeich , 1f. The differences in the shape of these Bulle , 77 stone A pl. NK , stone with which the builder had to work.
That of Acropolis limestone, 0. Roughly worked on all sides, the technical elements on their upper faces. My initial thought that the pair of pierced cubic blocks intended to support the wooden beams which must have been embedded in a deeper level, should be associated with the large openings of foundation T was confirmed by the recent identification of the initial position of a stray conglomerate block from the area of foundation T. It is to be assigned to the northern end of the westernmost of the two large openings at the height of the second highest course of the foundation, so forming at this Bulle , 50 pls.
The structural gaps in the two rear preserved five courses of the foundation Bulle corners are observable in the fourth course and pl. Bulle seems to have attributed them be seen from the preserved lever holes on the to an attempt to economise on the amount of upper face of the remaining stones of the stone used. The level of foundation T and that of corner of foundation T Polacco , 64f. Full length: 1. Carving is also observable on the upper quently, with the approximate level of the or- surface of the narrow edge of the stone, which chestra: Fiechter , 17 pl.
Remains of the stage-building: foundation T and the SW area with the structural opening, after the identification of the stone defining the northern limit of the opening. Bulle pl. The masts are fastened to the On the basis of the dimensions of the structural base in part on the blocks and in part in smaller gap, the block inv. NK fig. Heron describes here the type of dikolos draught animal or by windlasses: infra to lift mechane for lifting stones and for the construc- the load. This must have been a more developed tion of buildings.
Theatre of Dionysus Eleuthereus. Stage-building and parodoi with the wooden pylones Late Classical phase. Consequently, the heavy and tall beams or masts of the dikolos mechane must have continued through the holes of these strong bases and have been embedded at a deeper point within a specially-formed hard fill in the openings in foundation T The determi- nation of the position and the type of theatrical mechane on the strong T foundation figs. This, clearly, cannot have been meant to accommodate a large doorway between the stage-building and the stoa — what purpose would it have served?
Rather, the reason was that this wide opening provided the required width in its upper part necessary for the movement of the boom of the mechane. The two stones with traces of rotating windlasses figs. For the use of chine according to the reconstruction of Nix — similar packing techniques, as revealed by the Schmidt Pickard- doorway. Topics related to the dating of the Cambridge , Although he considers stoa are discussed briefly in Papastamati-von the suggestion uncertain, he includes staircases Moock forthcoming b.
Although the topic Drachmann , fig. In fact, the retention over time of the basic forms and functions of the Periclean skene, that was continued by the Late- Classical stone remodelling of the theatre and on late into the Hellenistic period, also confirms, in addition to other data, the central symbolic role played by palaia tragodia in Athenian theatre production The form of the Epitheatron and the Peripatos on the basis of the geometrical conception of the semicircular theatron leaves no doubt that the Epitheatron too was part of a single Late-Classical plan fig.
This plan required the adjust- ment of a section of the Peripatos so that it became the one broad diazoma of the the- that this identification is strengthened by evi- see Pickard-Cambridge , — This the stairway behind the marble wall; 3. Katatome: Moretti in this volume. Harding , no.
Contra Pol- storey stage-building: for detailed discussion acco , — This access, which may have been excluded from the rows of seats, accordingly emphasised the aesthetic and functional independence of the choregic monument. The span of the radius at the istic world Chaniotis , — , in the uppermost seat rows of the Epitheatron, which theatre after his recapture of Athens in tends towards a straight line, would not have Plu.
For a differing view: Pickard- Pollitt , 7— The straight line of its , 57; Gros , 53— With the pre-existing situation as a starting point, but also with a new unified plan based on the circle of the orchestra, the canonical elegant form of the ancient Greek theatre was con- structed and established. This was a form that served a large number of spectators and that achieved the best possible optico-acoustic results both for the theatrical productions of the Dionysiac festivals and for the meetings of the Ekklesia of the Athenian Demos In any case, this term, possibly in parallel to the classicising tone of the ancient sources, reflects the execution of a long- standing vision for the city of Athens to acquire a theatre worthy of the cultural symbolism of Classical drama and especially of tragedy as the peak art-forms and active components of the expression of the Athenian democratic polity Adamesteanu, Butera.
Piano della Fiera, Consi e Fontana Calda. Scavi e scoperte dal al nella provincia di Caltanissetta, Mon- Ant 44, , — Adams W. Heckel — L. Tritle — P.
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Burlando, Reso. I problemi, la scena Genoa Burmeister E. Taplin — R. Wyles eds. Hiller eds. Drerup zu seinem Cat- ling — F. Marchand eds. Calder, Theatrokratia, in: R. Smith ed. Canosa, Una tomba principesca da Timmari. MonAnt ser. Tritle eds. Cartledge — F. Rose Greenland eds. University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Carpenter T.
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Harrison ed. Carpenter, Gods in Apulia, in: J. Bremmer — A. Erskine eds. Identities and Transformations Edin- burgh — Carrara P. Ricerche sulla tradi- zione testuale euripidea antica sec. VIII d. Firenze Carter D. Carter, Plato, Drama, Rhetoric, in: D. Carter ed. Easterling ed. Castoldi, I vasi a figure rosse del periodo protoapulo e apulo antico: Taranto e le officine ceramiche, in: Ceramiche attiche e magnogreche. Cataudella, Saggi sulla tragedia greca Messina Caubet A. Caubet ed. Harvey — J. Wilkins eds. Gildenhard — M. Revermann eds. Ceccarelli — S. Milanezi, Dithyramb, Tragedy — and Cyrene, in: P.
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Dimarogonas — T. Dindorf ed. Dinsmoor, W. Anderson — R. Mylonas ed. Robinson I St. Louis — Dobrov G. Darmstadt Doulgeri-Intzesiloglou A. Doumas — L. Drougou, Das antike Theater von Vergina. Droysen trans. Duncan, Nothing to Do With Athens? Tragedians at the Courts of Tyrants, in: D. Dyce ed. Easterling, The End of an Era? Tragedy in the Early Fourth Cen- tury, in: A. Zimmer- mann eds. Easterling, A Show for Dionysus, in: P. Easterling, From Repertoire to Canon, in: P.
Easterling, Actor as Icon, in: P. Easterling — E. Hall eds. Easterling, Agamemnon for the Ancients, in: F. Macintosh — P. Michelakis — E. Hall — O. Taplin eds. Davidson — F. Muecke — P. Easterling — R. Miles ed. Akten eines Symposiums 3. To write a comprehensive account of these matters is a task for the future. What we attempt to do is to outline the agenda, to give ideas, and to establish possible viewpoints. The present introduction will not only point out the conceptual links between the different papers in this book, but it will also try to help further research along similar lines by presenting in clearly separated paragraphs some of the work that has been done by others, on whose shoulders we all stand.
Unfortunately, bibliographical completeness is a goal that is increasingly hard to reach and certainly not reached here. Nevertheless, I hope that the introduction thus becomes a useful contribution in its own right. Basic tools: grammars and indices. For Menander there is a recent lexicon with Latin translations and metrical indications by Pompella ; cf.
For Aristophanes there is an index by Todd , based on the Oxford edition by Hall and Geldart, as well as a line concordance by DunbarMarzullo Let us look at personal names. How much could we learn from them? We should see, for instance, that many of the names found in Homeric epic return in Attic tragedy, despite the fundamental change from narrative to dialogue. Finally in New Comedy there would be a last major group of names which repeat themselves although they do not belong to the epictragic tradition: their frequency would indicate that they may be stock character names.
On the basis of so little linguistic evidence, we might conclude, like Aristotle in the fourth chapter of his Poetics, that there is a typological similarity between epic and tragedy on the one hand, and between iambus and comedy on the other, and further that there must be a substantial break between Old Comedy and New Comedy. We could also infer that literary tradition is more important in tragedy than in comedy and that the latter is more directly related to presentday issues. The curious name mixture 4 Andreas Willi in Old Comedy might even lead us to the conclusion that comedy must have created a fantasy-world in which intertextuality played an important role given the inclusion of epic—tragic names.
On the other hand, we might suspect from the apparent absence of historical names that New Comedy enjoyed considerable freedom in plot construction. Comic names: speaking names Old Comedy. The choice of names as an example of a language-focused approach to literary history is not entirely accidental. There is no other linguistic aspect of Greek comedy to which so many articles and even books have been devoted. The comic function of the second group is comparable to that of puns on real names like that of Lamachus Ach. Comic names: naming conventions Old Comedy.
Olson discusses the dramaturgical modalities of naming in Aristophanes. For example, heroes and heroines are usually named late in the play so that their name comes as a climactic point in the development of their characterization and allows them to keep control over it cf. The function of diminutive names is treated by Mikolajczyk ; cf. Treu ; Lascu points out that slaves are named only in comedy, not in tragedy. Comic names: epithets and other forms of address.
Anderson shows how the use of epithets takes part in the thematic development of several Aristophanic comedies and is closely related to contextual circumstances. Similarly, human forms of address show a great variety in Aristophanes because they serve dramatic functions, whereas simple names are relatively rare as address-forms; their frequency increases in New Comedy, whose usage thus agrees with that in philosophical dialogue and probably reproduces actual address practices more faithfully Dickey ; cf.
Dickey ; earlier e. Comic names: New Comedy. Macleod , Cavallero This relationship between character names and character types 6 Andreas Willi has been hotly debated. MacCary's position has been challenged by P. Of course some features are more promising than others, but even less promising ones may yield important results. Since a comprehensive literary history of linguistic forms would have to combine both approaches, the essays in this book also exemplify the two types. Ewen Bowie reconsiders the old problem of the relationship between comedy and iambic poetry.
By comparing three possible hypotheses of dependence he voices objections to the view of Rosen , according to whom Cratinus introduced into Attic comedy certain iambic features which then continued to live there throughout the epoch of Old Comedy. Before entering a detailed discussion of several lexical points of contact between iambus and comedy, Bowie underlines the substantial differences between the two genres on the macroscopic level of discourse parameters such as length, audience, performers and mode of performance, and presence of narrative.
Bowie also stresses that Aristotle in the Poetics does not suggest a genetic link between iambus and comedy. Where there are similarities, we should rather regard them as the natural, independent, developments of two verbal genres in which a mixed tradition of narrative and abuse was endowed with a social or political function. Is it possible, for instance, to adapt a methodology like that of linguistic reconstruction to the culturally determined domain of literature?
And if so, to which constituents should we pay particular attention? Bowie's focus on performers and audience shows that some help may come from 8 Andreas Willi linguistic anthropology. In the case of literature, such a concept of similarity appropriately leaves considerable space to the inventiveness and originality of individual artists. On the other hand, from this perspective it is problematic to see in New Comedy a direct continuation of Old Comedy. Even if we disregard the different appearance in linguistic and formal matters for instance the loss of structural elements like the parabasis, the elimination of metrical variety, and the reduction of stylistic heterogeneity , we must admit a crucial remodelling of the participation framework.
If we apply Goffman's terminology —57; cf. In New Comedy the demos loses its role as principal; this automatically affects the authorial role of the comic poet, who withdraws from the language and world of his plays Dobrov a. It may be that the participation framework of Doric comedy presented greater similarities to that of Middle or New Comedy, but it is impossible to prove this old view to which we shall come back later. Comedy and linguistic anthropology. An anthropological and often also typological approach to tragic discourse has become quite common over the past few years cf.
Like Rosen , Degani ; cf. Degani 37—8 pays attention mainly to microstructural and formal similarities such as scatology, metaphor, and especially parody when he sees Hipponax as a precursor of Old Comedy cf. Henderson ; cf. Anthropological considerations have played a crucial role in determining the function of one major linguistic layer in Old Comedy: obscenity and aischrologia.
The reference work for this area is Henderson , which is also of great practical value because it lists and groups all the relevant lexical items. Nevertheless, it seems clear that comic freedom of speech had a special status in the democratic organization of classical Athens precisely because it belonged closely together with ritual or festive Dionysiac celebrations Halliwell 66— When we take the abusive lexicon, it is obvious that it belongs to one particular historical society, but is it equally obvious that its basic constituents are similarly restricted?
Or are there areas of the lexicon which are exploited for verbal abuse in most, if not all, cultures and societies? With his discussion of various evaluative words he further elaborates some of the observations made in his work on Greek popular morality Dover Words were taboo i. In our modern societies as in ancient Rome , on the other hand, language as such can be taboo so that it is possible to speak without obscenity about taboo actions and also, at least in theory, to speak in an obscene manner about actions that are not taboo. In this sense there was a narrower link between language taboo and action taboo in ancient Greek society.
Because negative evaluation typically seeks the strongest possible form, it would naturally turn to those areas where the action taboo is strongest: oral and anal sexual practice. Obscenity, vulgarity, and terms of abuse Aristophanes. Hoffmann and especially A. Dickerson , Henderson , b, A. Bowie De Wit-Tak ; cf. Vulgarity in other comic authors. This may either serve as a reminder that the fragmentary transmission can seriously distort the picture or warn against putting too much trust in critical statements by ancient authors.
Non-abusive evaluative terms. A more comprehensive treatment might be worthwhile and should include certain aspects of word-formation cf. Other studies on the comic lexicon. For instance, Adkins ; contested by de Vries argued that Aristophanes' use of mystery terminology in Clouds made Socrates appear as a blasphemous desecrator of mysteries. Huart ; also J. Because of its peculiar subject-matter, comedy sometimes preserves lexical and idiomatic elements that are hardly or not at all attested elsewhere cf. Meerwaldt , M. The issue of semantic niches and linguistic taboos is further complicated by the fact that such empty spaces do not necessarily affect a culture as a whole.
Instead, they can be restricted to certain social circumstances or textual environments: particular areas of culture can have their particular taboos. The paper by Alan Sommerstein illustrates how such a genre-based approach can enrich the literary interpretation of ancient texts. Sommerstein starts from the more or less obvious premise that there are linguistic features which are common in comedy but The Language of Greek Comedy 13 either unknown or at least exceedingly rare in tragedy. By using them, Klytaimestra and Aigisthos, who have broken the rules of legitimate marriage, also break the rules of language.
Moreover, the violation of linguistic decency is constantly associated with the sphere of the Erinyes, those goddesses who are themselves the prime representatives of all that is taboo in the Greek imagination. The violation of linguistic decency continues throughout the Oresteia up to the liberating vote of the Areopagus tribunal, which ends the spell of kinship murder. On an even more general level we also need to reconsider the relationship of comedy and tragedy. This is the exact reversal of the intrusion of tragic features into comedy: there, too, the relevant features are rarely exclusive to tragedy and more often shared with other genres of serious poetry, but we perceive them as tragic nevertheless because on stage they appear in tragedy only.
Mutatis mutandis the dramatic function of this paracomedy is the same as that of paratragedy: both indirectly strengthen the nature and laws of the respective genre. By breaking the linguistic norms of comedy i. Conversely, paracomedy in the Oresteia heightens the tragic tension by breaking the linguistic rules of tragedy.
Paratragic and paracomic language. The literature on paratragedy is immense, but there is no systematic linguistic discussion of the phenomenon, which is often elusive because of the absence of a source text cf. Kakridis However, the excellent monograph by Rau includes extensive linguistic commentaries on several paratragic passages in Aristophanes.
Miller and Sardiello a on the function and stylistic effect of tragic vs. Contrariwise, the use of colloquialisms in the major tragic poets has been treated by Amati , Stevens , , , and M. West b , but simple colloquialisms must be distinguished from the comic features observed in Sommerstein's paper.
Note also that Aristophanes may be unique in his concentration on paratragedy: in Cratinus, for example, paraepic seems more prominent cf. Silk b: —6. Tragic language in Middle and New Comedy. Tragic elements continue to appear in the language of Middle and New Comedy, but their function changes: paratragedy as such disappears, not least because tragedy itself lost its paradigmatic status in fourth-century literature.
In the former function tragic language retains some of its comic potential cf. Oliva 51—3; Webster 56—67 , whereas in the latter it is comparable to the use of elevated style in Euripides Katsouris a: —6; cf. Zagagi 51—4. Arnott , Nesselrath It is true, as Silk a: 97 has recently stressed, that comedy does not depend on a serious point of reference such as tragedy more than any other genre does and that the dependence of Aristophanic comedy on tragedy is freely chosen.
For Sommerstein it is possible to interpret the intrusion of comic features in the Oresteia precisely because they follow an intrinsic logic that aims at a contrast with the surrounding usual linguistic code of tragedy. Is it a literary language like that of tragedy or is it simply the language of average Athenian everyday conversation—if such a thing existed at all?
From different angles these questions are looked at in both Slings's and my own contribution. First, a very large part of our evidence for classical Greek is actually literary evidence. If we do not object to this axiom and if we further agree that the logical operations of the human mind are not fundamentally different in different places and societies, we may make inferences about the 16 Andreas Willi functioning of an ancient language by comparing how modern languages structure information. This leads to the conclusion that Aristophanes' style is in this respect more literate than oral.
Loepfe —44 and Del Corno 38—9, who reach similar conclusions for the question of colloquial and poetic hyperbata. The issue has been carefully discussed by Taillardat 5—29, elaborating on Taillardat in his great compendium of Aristophanic imagery. According to Taillardat images are most likely to be original when they are unique and rejuvenate a traditional image cf.
Bonanno without being either vulgar in tone or part of an entire series of metaphors. Komornicka adds as criteria for originality the presence of allusions to recent events, social developments cf. Komornicka ; cf. Moreover, metaphors are frequently comicized through their material representation on stage cf. Silk a: —3. Morenilla-Talens ; cf. The language of New Comedy loses the strong metaphorical colouring of earlier comedy. Metaphors appear only as occasional stylistic embellishments e.
At a time when poetic realism becomes a desirable quality even in tragedy, the comic mode of expression supports Aristophanes' claim that comedy should replace tragedy as the literary paradigm of the polis. Colvin Following Anagnostopoulos , Dover , and Halliwell , Colvin has corrected the simplistic view that the Aristophanic passages in Megarian, Boeotian, or Laconian dialect primarily aim at a derision of the linguistic Other cf.
Janssens Instead, the representation of dialects other than Attic belongs to the realistic features of comic dramaturgy. In a short interpretation of Lysistrata I argue that Aristophanes not only does not deride the Laconian dialect but that he exploits its cultural connotations as both the language of the enemy and the language of traditional lyric poetry. By gradually shifting from the former to the latter, the linguistic level of the play contributes to the reconciliation plot, which forms its ideological heart.
Like Slings, I try to integrate a cross-linguistic perspective into my interpretations. Since we often have very few direct clues of how to reconstruct the primary response to the linguistic shape of a comedy, I suggest supplementing them by typological parallels provided by modern sociolinguistic research. My basic contention is that language has contributed to the construction of social identity not only since the time of the nineteenth-century Romantic movement, when it became the prime indicator of national consciousness. Foreign dialects and accents.
It is one of the merits of Colvin's work , to have broadened the perspective but cf. Hall b and Sier on the role of the barbarian in Aristophanes. Ethnicity and cultural identity are issues that have been addressed by classical scholars only recently see e. Long , E. Hall a, J. Hall so that much work remains to be done on the socio-historic place and function of linguistic codes in literature. Foreign languages. Hansen , Dover , Brandenstein , M.
West , and Schmitt A curiosity is the suggestion by Margoliouth that Aristophanes' original was a Sanskrit phrase. It is obvious that a literary and sociocultural interpretation of linguistic forms like that presented in my paper is possible only if we already possess a wealth of data. Since we have no tape recordings, we can only extrapolate this from a comparison of various written sources, one of which is comedy itself and others include oratory or prose dialogue. It is easily forgotten that linguistic work on ancient texts always demands that the linguist should also take on some responsibility as a textual critic.
In other words the linguist cannot simply rely on a modern printed text but must be aware of the principles involved in constituting such a text. Of course, in practice this often means to trust the editors' judgements since one cannot always do everything from scratch again. Nevertheless, a suspicion sometimes remains that we are stuck in a vicious circle. Editors and textual critics constitute a text among other things on the basis of what they know from linguistic handbooks. Those handbooks in turn are not based uniquely on uncorrupted epigraphic evidence but also take into account what is commonly read in literary texts from a given period.
The problem is particularly acute with phonological matters. For reasons of space there are few critical apparatuses that can afford to list all the minor orthographic divergences between the manuscripts of an ancient text. It would therefore be a great help to the linguist who works with literary material if the controversial phenomena were presented more often in a comprehensive manner, as in the paper by Geoffrey Arnott on orthographic variation in the fragments of Middle and New Comedy and, for some points, already in Rosenstrauch 58—80 and Arnott a, b.
Arnott's contribution clearly shows how quickly we reach the limits of our knowledge even in a linguistic variety that is as well-represented as Attic Greek. And this is only the tip of the iceberg: in few literary genres does our evidence in the form of papyri reach back almost to the original texts themselves.
Menander and Koine Greek: word-formation and lexicon. It is unlikely that a comprehensive analysis of the more recent evidence not least the entire Dyskolos would fundamentally alter the picture, but a new study on the relationship between Menander's language, classical Attic, and Koine Greek nevertheless remains a desideratum.
The old adjectival lexicon of Menander by Klaus ; supplemented for Dyskolos by Brescia may still be consulted because of its interesting semantic and statistic observations and comparisons with other authors e. A similar list of Menander's compound verbs was compiled by Giannini—Pallara , who agree that linguistic innovation is limited cf. The view of the ancient Atticist grammarians Phrynichus and Pollux, who condemned Menander's language as impure whereas Aelius Dionysius was less negative: De Falco , was challenged in an original way by Bruhn and Durham : both compared Menander's vocabulary with that of some exemplary writers of Attic Greek e.
Nevertheless, Durham is able to list more than Menandrean words that are not found in the authors of the Atticist canon cf. Menander and Koine Greek: syntax. A diachronic comparison of some syntactic issues in Aristophanes and Menander is also found in Poultney , who deals with the gradual but not complete: Humpers loss of the dual and the increasing use of the subjunctive after secondary tenses on the latter cf. Aristophanes and Old Comedy : grammatical surveys, syntax, word order. Thus grammatical compilations like those by Sobolewski ; cf. Moreover, there are several good surveys on the language of Aristophanes or Old Comedy.
Aristophanes and Old Comedy : word formation. The stylistic and thematic impact of the comic compounds has been treated by Meyer —32 and Ramalho Aristophanes and Menander: colloquial language incl. For some of the material, however, the presentation by Dittmar , which incorporates and compares material from Menander, is still equally convenient e. Dittmar shows that Menander's language is much quieter and less The Language of Greek Comedy 25 emotional for a similar conclusion based on Menander's vocabulary see Tacho-Godi a and c.
To the literature on colloquialism one may add various treatments of oaths and formulaic invocations in comedy. In Menander oaths become more frequent when a character is in an emotional state, but the use also depends on the character of the speaker Feneron against Wright ; cf. In his paper on Doric comedy, Albio Cassio too is facing the problem of transmission, though on a much more elemental level.
Whereas Attic comedy is surrounded by the most diverse literary genres, all of which are quite wellknown to us, the fragments of Epicharmus occupy a virtually empty linguistic, literary, and cultural space—not historically but in the eyes of the modern interpreter. The vexed question of the digamma and the presence of Italic loanwords are just two out of many dialectological issues Cassio takes up and discusses in greater detail.
Moreover, with fragments in Doric the textual transmission is particularly problematic since interferences from scribes with a Koine background created far more serious dialectal distortions than in the case of Attic literature. His aim is not only to give an outline of Epicharmean grammar but also to assign to Epicharmus the place that is due to him in the linguistic history of Greek literature. Epicharmus' language becomes the key to a complicated tissue of textual layers and styles, which are as subtly manipulated as in the works of any Attic playwright.
Just like Old Comedy, Doric comedy played with the literary tradition and Epicharmus appears to have been particularly fascinated by Homeric themes and language and to have locally accommodated the latter. Epicharmus: language, style, and literary impact. In his monograph on Epicharmus, Berk 42—70 paid special attention to the poet's stylistic devices antithesis, anaphora, climax, etc.
Nesselrath 49— Berk, too, recognized a complex structure of intertextual relations including philosophical allusions, e. The importance of Epicharmus in Greek literary history is debated and this debate is also based on linguistic aspects. On the other hand, Kamel ; cf. Such an early link between the comedies of Sicily and Attica would of course lessen the mediating role of the South Italic comic poet Alexis Olivieri ; cf. We must keep in mind Cassio's observations on the intertextual relationship between Doric comedy and Homeric epic as well as the parallel intertextual plays of Aristophanic comedy with tragedy in order to become fully aware of the deep linguistic change which comedy undergoes after BC.
What happens is not just another replacement of the linguistic antibody as when Epicharmus' Homer is replaced by Aristophanes' Euripides but a functional reorientation of the relationship with this antibody. In his paper on the riddling and dithyrambic language of the cook in Middle Comedy Gregory Dobrov points out that Aristophanic paratragedy is not simply turned into paradithyramb. Whereas in Old Comedy virtually every character can have a paratragic line or two, in Middle Comedy dithyrambic style becomes a prerogative of one particular type of speaker: cooks and servants cf.
Nesselrath —66, Dobrov—Urios-Aparisi — The fascination of this process lies in the parallelism between the emergence of a character type with a distinctive character language cf. Arnott 5—7 on a cook in Alexis and a changing attitude of comedy towards its literary competitors and their linguistic codes. Parody of non-tragic literary styles and parody of special languages. When dithyrambic poetry is parodied in Old Comedy, its linguistic shape is just one of the aspects that are highlighted; it seems that the musical dimension of dithyrambic parody was at least as important as the linguistic one.
Moreover, dithyrambic language is not treated as a status symbol but rather as the misguided idiolect of derided poetasters who break the rules of traditional paideia cf. Mastromarco on the poetic language of the parabasis. Aristophanes' occasional attacks for instance in Clouds against sophistic language and linguistic research cf. Linguistic characterization: Aristophanes. Silk —4 and a: — Even there, however, it is not possible to speak of complete dramatic realism. Rather funnily Aristophanes has been praised for his realism in the imitation of animal voices: Horowski ; cf.
Philokleon with extravagant images vs. Bdelykleon with a very concrete style; cf. Furthermore, there are occasional indications that a character has a peculiar voice quality or speech defect Halliwell 75—7, Vetta —18; Vickers a and b goes too far when he claims to discover in Birds and Thesmophoriazusae a hidden layer of meanings based on Alcibiades' lambdacism. Linguistic characterization: Middle and New Comedy. In New Comedy and its Roman adaptation the picture changes completely cf. Post —4. Sandbach ; cf. There is a certain difference between the language of cooks in Middle Comedy and linguistic characterization in New Comedy.
Krieter-Spiro —50 , even though these idiolects may be inspired by Theophrastus' psychological character categories Del Corno 21—5. Similarly there are some linguistic characteristics typical of women: e. Adams In his three women plays Aristophanes is a forerunner of such gender-linguistic differentiation Sommerstein ; cf. The question of linguistic characterization forms part of a larger complex dealing with the interaction of language and dramatic technique.
Lamagna Apparently quoted speech had become a literary technique which writers began to exploit for its own sake so as to display their artistic virtuosity. At the same time, one may look at the disappearance of external The Language of Greek Comedy 31 signals for quoted speech from a theoretical perspective.
Guido on Philemon. We are thus led back to our starting-point: discourse parameters and the concept of a literary history of linguistic forms. Only one of Bowie's two modes of comic discourse managed to survive into New Comedy, but the loss of the abusive mode was amply compensated by the sophistication of its narrative counterpart.
Where Old Comedy favoured paradigmatic links and focused on linguistic items that would establish links to alternative elements of a similar order outside the text, New Comedy decided to concentrate on syntagmatic links within the text and to select those elements that could combine into the ideal linguistic structure. Language and dramatic technique. The interaction of language and dramatic technique is observable in various other domains, too.
A similar psychological dimension is recognizable in the use of aposiopesis, where silence does not imply a lack of communication but becomes a linguistic act in its own right Ricotilli Often these issues have implications for editorial practice. Asking when we may regard a dramatic utterance as a question, Turner argues that we should do so as frequently as possible since questions, too, help to avoid monotony and add vivacity.
Emotional scenes traditionally show a high incidence of short paratactic and asyndetic sentences Zucker Conversely, the number of asyndeta in prologues is extremely low Ferrero Menander's mastery in combining linguistic form and dramatic technique is further visible in his ability to insert sentences into dialogue quite naturally Waltz and to adapt the formulaic end of his comedies to individual situations and appropriate characters Dworacki ; cf.
Katsouris Language, stage directions, and staging practice. Another technical peculiarity of comic language is the integration of important stage directions into the words of the dramatic characters Taplin a after Pretagostini b. This may help the audience to imagine scenes whose staging is complex, but it probably also implies that the practical realization of a given scene is unimportant whenever such implicit stage directions are missing Del Corno In this way a linguistic analysis of comedy may give clues about staging practices cf.
Petersmann , who wished to support with philological arguments the highly problematic view that the stage door opened outwards. This in turn raises questions about the link between the literary code of comedy and its linguistic surroundings in the real world Slings, Arnott. Have we then reached the point where the comic author takes leave? Yes and no. As web of words—as text—his work has become autonomous and will not tolerate his intrusion any longer. But as web of action—as drama—all is still his, prepared and tightly held behind the scene.
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And this is why, before the Dionysia, Menander was not worrying although he had no comedy—or had he? Sitting comfortably? Spot the genre. Anacreon had said, after all, that it would be a dark and stormy night. Archilochus fr. Rosenmeyer 21 and 42 draws attention to the Archilochian side of Anacreon she does not follow it up. Anacreon's interest in Archilochus might be argued for on the basis of some apparent echoes: a Anacreon fr.
For she did not […] satiety. The metre of Archil. The polyptoton of Anacreon fr. For terms of abuse in Anacreon cf. Brown Anacreon hadn't even needed to change the vocative. But despite his forecast, the next morning had dawned bright and clear. So now they were having an easy voyage back to Athens from Amorgos. It had been Anacreon's idea to take the chorusmen to Amorgos, get some contact with the Muse of iambos by visiting the cities founded by Semonides—and revisit some of these Samian wines that he had come to like at the court of Polycrates and that were only available in Samos and its colonies on Amorgos.
That was decades ago, and nowadays Anacreon's hairs were all grey, not just some of them. Hipparchus too had been assassinated, and now the leading families of Athens had established an elaborate system of government which persuaded the demos that they were running the place.
This voyage wouldn't have happened otherwise. The new form of Dionysia set up in Athens by Cleisthenes and his friends gave hundreds of citizens a chance to sing a dithyramb in huge malevoice choirs, and one of the dithyramb's aristocratic backers had been attracted by Anacreon's idea—an idea he had had on a Tuesday afternoon the previous July, while ruminating on the lack of punch and zap in the Dionysia.
But Naxos had not been his real destination. First Paros, and then Amorgos, had been the stop-off points, so that he and his singers could pick up a range of iambic metres, tunes, words, and themes different from the few that had survived to the end of the tyranny in Attica. The Pisistratids hadn't been tolerant of abusive poetry, and though they found the storytelling side of the genre entertaining, iambos was now much Ionian Iambos and Attic Komoidia 35 less vigorous than it had been in Solon's Athens, when even Solon himself had used it regularly. Well, he might have succeeded, but it was perhaps too early to congratulate himself.
What a surprise the Athenians would get when he got back! They'd know something unusual was happening at the Dionysia because of the extra day, but not what that something was. Had anybody noticed that two of his oarsmen had done some goat-song acting? A pity he hadn't been able to take one or two more such experienced men without arousing suspicion: as it was the actors, like the aulos-player, would have to perform in both dramas. Just as well they had had a bit of experience in these boring dramatic performances they called goat-songs and that had been up and running for a few years.
Having only two choruses of twenty-four men competing with each other might also be a bit of a problem, but if the idea caught on he could reasonably hope that more choruses might be trained and allowed to compete next year. Meanwhile there was still the problem of the name: what was he to call them? Bathyllus had suggested komos-songs, but Anacreon wondered if Bathyllus was pulling his leg—it seemed too much like the sort of late-night singing Anacreon had become notorious for. Almost there! The ship was making good time along the coast of Attica, despite the spring swell which occasionally threw it about.
Perhaps they could start drinking soon, and sing the Archilochian elegy which an old man living in West Paros had claimed was meant to be sung on a boat Archil. West Anacreon patted his phallus to make sure it was sitting comfortably. It was a big one, and it would be a shame if it came to harm at this stage, after so many successful performances in Amorgos and Paros. Meanwhile there was just time for his late afternoon nap before they made land.
And as in Old Comedy, there are some serious arguments buried in the admittedly self-indulgent romp. What I now wish to do in a more sober and scholarly genre is to examine how many similarities there are between early iambos and comedy, and what sort of case might be made for saying that comedy in any sense developed—or was developed? There are several hypotheses that could be advanced on this question.
This is a crude statement of Rosen's position Rosen Or: 3 The similarities between Ionian iambos and Attic comedy are limited, and those that there are come from a crossing of the abusive and narrative habits of Greeks in many private and public contexts with the political function in a quite broad sense of political that each of these two genres acquired. Any attempt to choose between these positions has to acknowledge the extent of our ignorance. We know very little indeed about Attic comedy before Cratinus. We know rather more about Ionian iambos, in the sense that we have quite substantial remains, but it is still debated what sort of performance iambos was and what the identifying features of the genre were M.
West 22—39, Carey , Bartol 61— I have recently tried to argue that narrative, in the sense of telling things that one claims have happened or narrates as if they had happened, whether to oneself or to others, is an important generic feature of early Ionian Iambos and Attic Komoidia 37 iambos E. Any of these might be addressed to an individual, sometimes to a group. If my arguments were to be correct, their relevance to this paper's arguments would be to diminish the importance within iambos of that element which has most often been seen as linking it closely with comedy, abuse.
Let me turn, then, to a swift and hence very schematic review of the respects in which iambos and comedy are similar and are different. Some features I consider may seem very obvious: but the obvious and the elusive have to be taken together in any assessment.
Length To judge from the earliest complete texts to survive, the Acharnians of BC, the Knights of BC, and the Clouds of BC, comedies in the s were expected to run to — lines. Iamboi were of such a length as allowed several to be grouped by Hellenistic editors in a single book. If we consider the trimeters of Archilochus, the eighteen lines of fr. The longest trimeter fragment of his rough contemporary Semonides, fr. The longest choliambic fragment yet attested of Hipponax, a century later, is barely half that, but the length of the poem from which it comes is indeterminable Hipponax fr.
The military narratives of Archilochus in tetrameters may have been longer: fr. A quite different sort of criterion may be worth taking into account. The regular address of iamboi to named individuals, sometimes, in Archilochus' case, to the same individuals as those addressed in his elegies,7 suggests performance in a sympotic context where all or at least most of the participants were expected to take their turn.
That could of course allow a performance as long as the longest speech in Plato's Symposium, that of Socrates, which occupies about lines in a modern edition; but the others, at 90 to lines, are probably better guides to what might be acceptable. Audience I have already touched on audience. No doubt, especially for early comedy, a case could be made for informal performance before a small group.
But from the time that it became a formal part of a festival in BC, a larger and in principle polis-wide audience 5 For the problems of frr. Two of these line-beginnings overlap with trimeters quoted by Athenaeus Ionian Iambos and Attic Komoidia 39 must be assumed. And later the name iamboi was given both to them and to their poems. In comedy though again we can only discuss the period when it has become visible we have a complex mixture of song, recitative, and speech distributed between chorus and actors. I don't think there is any convincing evidence for a mask, a phallus, or any other disguising costume being worn by iambic poets or later archaic performers of their iamboi.
For the case against supposing an audience drawn equally from all social and economic sections of the city see Sommerstein , E. Bowie 58— Athenaeum This is very far from the great range of metres and presumably music deployed in comedy. Narrative There are also, of course, similarities. One of these is the vehement abuse directed against individuals, to which I return later.
Of many possible examples I think of the account of Philocleon's diseased behaviour offered by one of his slaves in the prologos of Wasps 87— , or of his outrageous behaviour at the symposion — : of the marvellous inventions about the unwashed Socrates as psychagogos in Birds —64 or the similarly unwashed Cleomenes in Lysistrata — Moreover there is at least one type of story that turns up both in Archilochus' Epodes and in Philocleon's conduct at the party, viz. To these too I return shortly. To me the differences so clearly outweigh the similarities that I would conclude that if hypothesis 1 were to be considered at all it would have to be in the very weakest possible version.
Another set of data might, however, shift this conclusion slightly: these are the passages in comedy where the poet has been claimed to make reference to iambographers and iamboi in a way which presents him as working in the same tradition. Rosen has made these claims, and his argument was largely accepted by Degani I am sceptical. There may be a quite sophisticated joke: the scholiast believes rather that the line was by Ananius, and if that is correct which we have little chance of determining then Aristophanes foists a mistake of attribution upon Dionysus.
But that only slightly affects the main issue. This implies, of course, that the audience would immediately associate the Hipponactean iambos with poetic contexts that involved personal attack, exclamations of pain and the like. If the scholiast is to be trusted, the next two lines of Ananius fr. Rosen 25—6 He goes on to examine the link set up between Eleusinian ritual and comic abuse in the anapaests of Ran.
Rosen 28 As these two passages bring out, Rosen's argument depends heavily on the hypothesis that iambos had ritual origins, or at least that Aristophanes and his audience believed that they did. For a sensitive exploration of the problem see Dover b and a on — Ionian Iambos and Attic Komoidia 43 a, citing Fraenkel —2 and that the iambic metrical system of —30 is very similar to that used similarly for personal abuse by Eupolis fr. I consider Rosen's examples. In Hipponax fr. So indeed it does.
This is indeed the case. The case against is well made by Carey It is hard to be sure which term Tzetzes found in which source, but what we can be sure of is that Aristophanes' audience knew it from other passages in earlier plays Ar. It is not easy to infer that they would associate it with iambographers. However, none of the Archilochian punning names listed by Rosen is obscene. How much can in fact be done with words? But this is an area where each yard has to be fought over for remarkably little gain, and a preliminary investigation has suggested a perhaps surprising 17 18 On the punning names cf.
Bonanno 65— LSJ, following Kock fr. Ionian Iambos and Attic Komoidia 45 lack of coincidence between the two. The greatest similarity is not in details but in the overall range of linguistic registers in each. Two examples illustrate the problem. Does it follow that its use in Birds may evoke the iambographers? The answer must surely be negative. It is used of a foal in a fragment of Semonides fr. That these are its only attestations constitutes no case for holding that Aristophanes alludes to Semonides.
If lexicographical investigation is not likely to help reach a solution, where else can we turn? What is the point of the dung-beetle? For the Hesychius text see Bossi —6. Unfortunately the context in which Hipponax introduces dung-beetles seems to be a scabrous but non-abusive narrative of an unpleasant ritual, perhaps a cure for impotence, to which the narrator is being subjected by a lady whose oral accomplishments included a command of spoken Lydian.
He points to Philocleon's use of fable in Wasps , ff. Once more I am sceptical. There is no doubt that fables were circulating in Greece as early as Hesiod, Works and Days —12 , that they were at an early date associated with Aesop, and that Aesop was associated with Ionian Samos, at least by Herodotus 2. It is also clear that in Wasps one, and perhaps the most important, reason for Philocleon telling fables is that they are thought appropriate to a symposium.
Pax 43—8. The case for saying that comic poets were conscious of the importance of iambos for comedy is therefore weak. Furthermore, some positive points might be made against it. We have several parabaseis in plays of Aristophanes in which the speaker talks about the dramatic poet's career and one that sketches the 21 Cf. For no poet before Homer can we point to a poem of this sort, but it is plausible that there were many poets, whereas beginning with Homer we can, such as that poet's Margites and poems of that sort.
And of the ancients some became poets of heroic poems and some of iamboi. For just as the Iliad and Odyssey stand in relation to tragedies, so does the Margites to comedies. But when tragedy and comedy came into being the poets were drawn to each of the two types of poetry according to their own personality, and some, instead of composing iamboi, became comic 48 Ewen Bowie poets, while others, instead of composing epic, became tragic playwrights … The way Aristotle formulates the relationship between iambos and comedy would be very surprising if he thought there was a case for seeing the one as descended from the other.
For in fact it was only very late that the archon granted a choros of comic performers, but they had been volunteers. And it is only when comedy already had some of its features that there is a tradition of those who are said to have been its poets. But who gave it its masks, or prologues, or the numbers of actors, and so on, this has ceased to be known. Crates fr. For other material in Crates that might be claimed though in my view unconvincingly to be similar to that of Ionian iambos cf. Closer to Aristophanic comedy than suggested by Degani is also the sexual play at fr.
This is a suitable point to return to the second of the hypotheses that I initially offered as possible explanations of the phenomena, i. I do not attempt to demolish it in detail here, not least because, as so often, we lack hard evidence: the ascription of the introduction of political abuse to Cratinus, although suggested by other ancient accounts of comedy,26 cannot adequately be tested by our surviving material, because we can only guess whether his predecessors did or did b 25 Arist. For constructing their plot on the basis of the plausible they then attach random names, and do not, like the iambic poets, compose about what happened to an individual.
Prolegomena de com. II, 1, p. Degani 16 n. The similarities between Ionian iambos and Attic comedy are limited, and those that there are come from a crossing of the abusive and narrative habits of Greeks in many private and public contexts with the political function that each of these two genres acquired.
That seems to me better to explain the phenomena than any other hypothesis. Anacreon suddenly woke up. Some noise had abruptly stopped. He began to recall his dreams. Not dreams, nightmares. Thank God he was awake again. He turned to his fellow-oarsman, Magnes, whose parents had given him that name in honour of Anacreon's prayer to Magnesian Artemis that they liked so much Anacreon fr. And there is more. Although we may regret the loss of complete plays of, say, Eupolis, in most cases we can easily put his fragments in a frame, as it were: we know in more or less detail the history of the period, we know what Attic tragedy and comedy were like, we are well informed about political and philosophical debates, state administration, and religious practice in contemporary Athens; we also possess a remarkable number of Attic inscriptions and we know the Attic dialect well—at least to the extent to which a dialect is recoverable from written sources.
The information provided by inscriptions is minimal: those in verse or prose found in Syracuse and her sub-colonies, as well as in Greece proper, from the earliest times to Hieron's death in BC amount to about Cassio the verse dedications on the Athenian acropolis alone number about Doric comic traditions were imported into Sicily, where a number of decisive developments took place, also prompted by contacts with indigenous cultures and other Greek-speaking colonies in the West.
As Phormis and Deinolochus are represented by only a handful of fragments, in this paper I will mainly concentrate on Epicharmus. He may have been born about BC Handley n. Hansen 99— See Arnott b: with previous bibliography. At Poet. The location of Krastos is unknown. The Language of Doric Comedy 53 — 1. A detailed discussion of his role in the development of Greek comedy and Greek culture at large would take too much space; I will only recall that we possess some long and important fragments containing philosophical discussions Pickard-Cambridge — He was fairly soon turned into a Pythagorean Burkert n.
Their success is made clear by their surfacing in many Ptolemaic papyri40 and by such works as Ennius' Epicharmus. A detailed discussion of the linguistic features of Doric comedy phonology, morphology, vocabulary, and syntax will obviously require a whole book. In what follows I shall try to give an idea of the main problems posed by this remarkable literary language and discuss a number of points of detail that are interesting in themselves and may help to clarify some general issues.
The numbers in round brackets refer to fragments of Epicharmus unless otherwise stated. If we attempt to explore the nature of an ancient literary language based on a local dialect we must obviously form an opinion of what the latter was like. See Pickard-Cambridge See e. Cassio from other dialects or even foreign languages have always been the order of the day, especially in colonial milieux. Epicharmus' dialect has been described more than once in more or less detail. This is acceptable as far as it goes, but there are several points to be considered.
The idea of the admixture of Rhodian dialect goes back to Ahrens and has gained widespread acceptance. We are told by Herodotus 7. Moreover, Aristophanes makes some foreigners speak their own dialect or non-Greek language , a topic on which we now have Stephen Colvin's valuable book Colvin We have every reason to believe that the same richness and variety obtained in Doric comedy, but here the data are far harder to interpret than those of its Attic counterpart.
As I have already said, all we have of Doric comedy are fragments; their number is not impressive including the forgeries; those of Cratinus alone are over , they are very short as a rule and frequently consist of isolated glosses in ancient lexica. It did exist in Sicily in Epicharmus' times Cassio —5 : the physician Acron of Acragas wrote in Doric, and Athenaeus quotes a short fragment in Doric allegedly from the Art of Cookery by the famous 43 Which I regard as genuine: see next section. Cassio Syracusan cook Mithaikos,44 mentioned by Plato in the Gorgias.
The trochaic tetrameters and iambic trimeters in which most of Doric comedy was composed were an Ionic invention: the Ionic iambographer Ananius is quoted almost verbatim by Epicharmus, although in Doric translation. Epicharmus must have criticized Xenophanes more than once Pickard-Cambridge This had obvious repercussions on the language, as the following example will show.
The Language of Doric Comedy 57 Attic comedy featured many speakers of non-Attic dialects Colvin , and speakers of Attic or Ionic may well have appeared as characters in Doric comedy. At LSJ quote a fragment of Eratosthenes 3rd c. It is obviously the papyrus fragments which give us an idea of what an ancient edition of Epicharmus looked like.
They represent ancient editions that must be more or less heavily indebted to the one prepared some time in the second century BC by Apollodorus of Athens, the last heir of the great Alexandrian scholarly tradition. A thirdcentury or second-century editor was faced with the problem of preparing a new text on the basis of an older one according to the standard conventions of the time, i. The Language of Doric Comedy 59 the type of alphabet and writing conventions used in an old manuscript. If an archaic text employed this system, its Hellenistic edition must have been the result of interpretation based on prevailing notions of the phonology of each dialect.
Scholars often explicitly or implicitly assume that the system used for writing literary texts in a given area was more or less the same as the one used in the local inscriptions for instance the archaic Spartan alphabet in the case of Alcman. Cassio early copies of Homer circulating in Athens were written in the East Ionic alphabet Janko 20— For a local literary genre like Doric comedy one would assume a writing system more or less close to that of the Syracusan inscriptions, namely one that did not employ eta and omega. If this system was really used in early editions of Epicharmus, Deinolochus, etc.
But oscillations are the order of the day in our papyri let alone the medieval manuscripts , and it is unlikely that the problem of the alphabet in which Epicharmus' plays were originally written will ever be settled satisfactorily, especially as far as the digraphs are concerned. In these cases it is not clear to what extent the ambiguities of the archaic alphabets are to be blamed for these oscillations. BC ; no. There is also the additional problem that dialect texts can be manipulated, whatever writing conventions were used in early texts Cassio The transfer is often unsystematic e.
To be printed with an acute accent: see below. Wilamowitz n. It should be noted, however, that, if this was the case and if we can trust the manuscript tradition , in anon. As a matter of fact it is unlikely that we shall ever know exactly how our texts in literary Doric came to be accented as they are basically the same system is used in the text of Doric comedy, western lyric poets Stesichorus and Ibycus , and Alcman, and one has the impression of a standardized and relatively late grammatical doctrine imposed systematically on old texts in Doric Colvin The Language of Doric Comedy 63 5.
The evidence already discussed by Kaibel 90 and more recently by Hoffmann—Debrunner—Scherer is often contradictory. As a matter of fact it would be absurd to correct the lines of the b set, in which both meaning and metre are in order. They represent an innovative development in the Syracusan dialect which coincided with a long-established parallel development of the Ionic dialects. Probably word-initial [w] was still pronounced and written? Note that Kassel and Austin print anon. The Language of Doric Comedy 65 6. Mention should also be made of a phonological development typical of many Doric dialects which surfaced in the papyri published by Lobel and helped to recover a lost fragment of Doric comedy.
Schmidt attributed with caution the fragment to Epicharmus; it now appears as fr. Schwyzer ; Cassio and n. Cassio difference between the Attic form, e. Some of the vocabulary found in Epicharmus is common to all or most Greek dialects, like e. Alcman fr. Hansen no.
Doric inscription from Erbessos Sicily; Dubois no. The root is the same as that of Latin volo ; see Rix — A number of words found in the fragments of Epicharmus and Sophron are never, or almost never, attested in the rest of Greek literature but closely resemble Latin words; they are usually supposed to derive from the language of the Sicels, who had migrated from central Italy to Sicily before the arrival of the Greeks. Let us examine some instances, starting from Epich. The system of coins and weights used at Syracuse was certainly of Italic origin H.
Chantraine ; Parise These names are attested at an early date both in Epicharmus